Hem Chieu (Khmer: แ ែแ แ ៀแ; 1898 - 1943) was a Buddhist monk and a prominent figure in the development of Cambodian nationalism.
Chieu was a professor at the Higher School of Pali in Phnom Penh, and strongly objected to attempts by the French colonial authorities, beginning in the late 1930s, to romanize the Khmer writing system. Although the reforms were not intended to be applied to religious texts, he began to make vocal criticisms of the French administration. He became associated with two nationalist activists, Son Ngoc Thanh and Pach Chheoun, editor and founder of a pro-independence Khmer-language newspaper, Nagaravatta. The French authorities believed that Thanh, Chieu and Chheoun, with Japanese backing, were attempting to recruit followers for a bid for independence from the French.[1]
Arrest
On July 18, 1942, the French authorities moved to arrest Chieu and an associate, Nuon Dong. Chieu was alleged to have preached anti-French sermons to Khmer troops in the colonial militia in preparation of the revolt; the manner of his arrest deeply offended many other members of the sangha.
Reaction to Arrest
A large demonstration against the arrests, in which many monks took part, was organised two days later in Phnom Penh by Thanh and Chheoun. Pach Chheoun marched at the head of the demonstrators, and several monks who would later take an active role in Cambodian politics, such as later Communist activists Achar Mean (Son Ngoc Minh) and Achar Sok (Tou Samouth) were present. The demonstration was broken up violently by the French, and Chheoun was arrested and sentenced to death (later commuted to life imprisonment).[2]
Death
Hem Chieu, "still preaching" according to an observer, was also sentenced to death by a military tribunal, later commuted to life imprisonment with hard labour.[3] He died in the notorious Cรดn Sฦกn Island prison in October 1943. While there he met several leaders of the Viet Minh, such as Phแบกm Vฤn ฤแปng and Tรดn ฤแปฉc Thแบฏng, who afterwards related that Hem Chieu's heroic conduct in the prison led to sanctions which directly contributed to his illness and death.[4]
Chieu soon came to be regarded as a martyr by leftist Cambodian nationalists and insurgents of the United Issarak Front. In 1950, a political school named after Hem Chieu was established in the south-west of the county and an armed guerrilla unit named itself after him.[5] He was also, however, honoured as a national hero by the anticommunist Khmer Republic.
References
Jump up ^ Kiernan, B. How Pol Pot Came to Power, Yale UP, 2004, p.42
Jump up ^ Harris, I. Buddhism and politics in twentieth-century Asia, CIPG, 2001, p.60
Jump up ^ Kiernan, B. How Pol Pot Came to Power, Yale UP, 2004, p.45
Jump up ^ Kiernan, p.47
Jump up ^ Harris, I. Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice, University of Hawaii, 2008, p.158
Chut Wutty (Khmer: แុแ แុแ្แី; 1972–2012) was Founder and Director of the Natural Resource Protection Group (NRPG). He was a Cambodianenvironmental activist best known as the country’s most vocal critic of the military's alleged role in illegal logging conducted by companies granted land concessions in protected forests and related government corruption.
Life
Wutty was born in Svay Meas village, Vihear Sour commune, Kchlach Kandal district, Kandal, Cambodia. Chut Wutty obtained a Master's Degree in Military Studies from Russia in 1992. After his graduation, Wutty was employed as an Electrician's Helper by the small Canadian Contingent of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) with 92 (CDN) Transportation Company, Delta Platoon, Electrical and Mechanical Engineers (EME) Det at Camp Canada, Pochentong Airport until 1993.[2] Later he worked with the Cambodian Mine Action Centre (CMAC) and as a military trainer at the Ministry of National Defence. In 2003, he was a Deputy Director of Global Witness in Cambodia, who acted as a watchdog on the illegal logging all over the country. After the expulsion of Global Witness by the Cambodian government, Wutty founded the organization Natural Resource Protection Group (NRPG), with financial support from Germany. The organization has its focus on the protection of the forest and natural resources in Cambodia.[3]
Death
On 26 April 2012, Wutty was shot dead at Veal Bei Point in Mondol Seima, while escorting two journalists from The Cambodia Daily near a protected forest in Koh Kong Province, where he had repeatedly attempted to expose illegal logging rackets that include military officials.[4] He was 48 years old.[3] Local rights groups ADHOC and LICADHO immediately dispatched investigators, and LICADHO's Koh Kong provincial coordinator, In Kong Chet, said that after talking to ballistics police, he had established that Chut Wutty was shot as he tried to drive away from the military police. Wutty is survived by his wife, two daughters, and a son. This was supported by other rights groups.
Ratanakiri (Khmer: แแแแិแី[2] IPA: [หreษ̯̆ส taส หnaส ki หriห]) is a province (khaet) of Cambodia located in the remote northeast. It borders the provinces of Mondulkiri to the south and Stung Treng to the west and the countries of Laos and Vietnam to the north and east, respectively. The province extends from the mountains of the Annamite Range in the north, across a hilly plateau between the Tonle San and Tonle Srepok rivers, to tropical deciduous forests in the south. In recent years, logging and mining have scarred Ratanakiri's environment, long known for its beauty.
For over a millennium, Ratanakiri has been occupied by the highland Khmer Loeu people, who are a minority elsewhere in Cambodia. During the region's early history, its Khmer Loeu inhabitants were exploited as slaves by neighboring empires. The slave trade economy ended during the French colonial era, but a harsh Khmerization campaign after Cambodia's independence again threatened Khmer Loeu ways of life. The Khmer Rouge built its headquarters in the province in the 1960s, and bombing during the Vietnam War devastated the region. Today, rapid development in the province is altering traditional ways of life.
Ratanakiri is sparsely populated; its 150,000 residents make up just over 1% of the country's total population. Residents generally live in villages of 20 to 60 families and engage in subsistence shifting agriculture. Ratanakiri is among the least developed provinces of Cambodia. Its infrastructure is poor, and the local government is weak. Health indicators in Ratanakiri are extremely poor, and almost one in four children die before reaching the age of five. Education levels are also low; three quarters of the population is illiterate.
History
Present-day Ratanakiri has been occupied since at least the Stone or Bronze Age, and trade between the region's highlanders and towns along the Gulf of Thailand dates to at least the 4th century A.D.[3] The region was invaded by Annamites, the Cham, the Khmer, and the Thai during its early history, but no empire ever brought the area under centralized control.[4] From the 13th century or earlier until the 19th century, highland villages were often raided by Khmer, Lao, and Thai slave traders.[5] The region was conquered by local Laotian rulers in the 18th century and then by the Thai in the 19th century.[6] The area was incorporated into French Indochina in 1893, and colonial rule replaced slave trading.[7] The French built huge rubber plantations, especially in Labansiek (present-day Banlung); indigenous workers were used for construction and rubber harvesting.[4] While under French control, the land comprising present-day Ratanakiri was transferred from Siam (Thailand) to Laos and then to Cambodia.[8] Although highland groups initially resisted their colonial rulers, by the end of the colonial era in 1953 they had been subdued.[7]
Ratanakiri Province was created in 1959 from land that had been the eastern area of Stung Treng Province.[4] The name Ratanakiri (แแแแិแី) is formed from the Khmer words แแแៈ (ratana "gem" from Sanskrit ratna) and แិแី (kiri "mountain" from Sanskrit giri), describing two features for which the province is known.[9] During the 1950s and 1960s, Norodom Sihanouk instituted a development and Khmerization campaign in northeast Cambodia that was designed to bring villages under government control, limit the influence of insurgents in the area, and "modernize" indigenous communities.[10] Some Khmer Loeu were forcibly moved to the lowlands to be educated in Khmer language and culture, ethnic Khmer from elsewhere in Cambodia were moved into the province, and roads and large rubber plantations were built.[11] After facing harsh working conditions and sometimes involuntary labor on the plantations, many Khmer Loeu left their traditional homes and moved farther from provincial towns.[12] In 1968, tensions led to an uprising by the Brao in which several Khmer were killed.[13] The government responded harshly, torching settlements and killing hundreds of villagers.[13]
In the 1960s, the ascendant Khmer Rouge forged an alliance with ethnic minorities in Ratanakiri, exploiting Khmer Loeu resentment of the central government.[15] The Communist Party of Kampuchea headquarters was moved to Ratanakiri in 1966, and hundreds of Khmer Loeu joined CPK units.[16] During this period, there was also extensive Vietnamese activity in Ratanakiri.[17] Vietnamese communists had operated in Ratanakiri since the 1940s; at a June 1969 press conference, Sihanouk said that Ratanakiri was "practically North Vietnamese territory".[18] Between March 1969 and May 1970, the United States undertook a massive covert bombing campaign in the region, aiming to disrupt sanctuaries for communist Vietnamese troops. Villagers were forced outside of main towns to escape the bombings, foraging for food and living on the run with the Khmer Rouge.[19] In June 1970, the central government withdrew its troops from Ratanakiri, abandoning the area to Khmer Rouge control.[20] The Khmer Rouge regime, which had not initially been harsh in Ratanakiri, became increasingly oppressive.[21] The Khmer Loeu were forbidden from speaking their native languages or practicing their traditional customs and religion, which were seen as incompatible with communism.[22] Communal living became compulsory, and the province's few schools were closed.[23] Purges of ethnic minorities increased in frequency, and thousands of refugees fled to Vietnam and Laos.[24] Preliminary studies indicate that bodies accounting for approximately 5% of Ratanakiri's residents were deposited in mass graves, a significantly lower rate than elsewhere in Cambodia.[25]
After the Vietnamese defeated the Khmer Rouge in 1979, government policy toward Ratanakiri became one of benign neglect.[12] The Khmer Loeu were permitted to return to their traditional livelihoods, but the government provided little infrastructure in the province.[12] Under the Vietnamese, there was little contact between the provincial government and many local communities.[26] Long after the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime, however, Khmer Rouge rebels remained in the forests of Ratanakiri.[27] Rebels largely surrendered their arms in the 1990s, though attacks along provincial roads continued until 2002.[27]
Ratanakiri's recent history has been characterized by development and attendant challenges to traditional ways of life.[28] The national government has built roads, encouraged tourism and agriculture, and facilitated rapid immigration of lowland Khmers into Ratanakiri.[29] Road improvements and political stability have increased land prices, and land alienation in Ratanakiri has been a major problem.[30] Despite a 2001 law allowing indigenous communities to obtain collective title to traditional lands, some villages have been left nearly landless.[28] The national government has granted concessions over land traditionally possessed by Ratanakiri's indigenous peoples,[29] and even land "sales" have often involved bribes to officials, coercion, threats, or misinformation.[30] Following the involvement of several international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), land alienation has decreased in frequency.[31] In the 2000s, Ratanakiri also received hundreds of Degar (Montagnard) refugees fleeing unrest in neighboring Vietnam; the Cambodian government was criticized for its forcible repatriation of many refugees.[32]
Geography and climate
The geography of Ratanakiri Province is diverse, encompassing rolling hills, mountains, plateaus, lowland watersheds, and crater lakes.[33] Two major rivers, Tonle San and Tonle Srepok, flow from east to west across the province. The province is known for its lush forests; as of 1997, 70–80% of the province was forested, either with old-growth forest or with secondary forest regrown after shifting cultivation.[34] In the far north of the province are mountains of the Annamite Range; the area is characterized by dense broadleaf evergreen forests, relatively poor soil, and abundant wildlife.[35] In the highlands between Tonle San and Tonle Srepok, the home of the vast majority of Ratanakiri's population, a hilly basalt plateau provides fertile red soils.[35] Secondary forests dominate this region.[36] South of the Srepok River is a flat area of tropical deciduous forests.[35]
Like other areas of Cambodia, Ratanakiri has a monsoonal climate with a rainy season from June to October, a cool season from November to January, and a hot season from March to May.[37] Ratanakiri tends to be cooler than elsewhere in Cambodia.[37] The average daily high temperature in the province is 34.0 °C (93.2 °F), and the average daily low temperature is 22.1 °C (71.8 °F).[38] Annual precipitation is approximately 2,200 millimetres (87 in).[38] Flooding often occurs during the rainy season and has been exacerbated by the recently built Yali Falls Dam.[39]
Ratanakiri has some of the most biologically diverse lowland tropical rainforest and montane forest ecosystems in mainland Southeast Asia.[40] One 1996 survey of two sites in Ratanakiri and one site in neighboring Mondulkiri recorded 44 mammal species, 76 bird species, and 9 reptile species.[41] A 2007 survey of Ratanakiri's Virachey National Park recorded 30 ant species, 19 katydid species, 37 fish species, 35 reptile species, 26 amphibian species, and 15 mammal species, including several species never before observed.[42] Wildlife in Ratanakiri includes Asian elephants, gaur, and monkeys.[34] Ratanakiri is an important site for the conservation of endangered birds, including the giant ibis and the greater adjutant.[34] The province's forests contain a wide variety of flora; one half-hectare forest inventory identified 189 species of trees and 320 species of ground flora and saplings.[34]
Nearly half of Ratanakiri has been set aside in protected areas,[43] which include Lomphat Wildlife Sanctuary and Virachey National Park. Even these protected areas, however, are subject to illegal logging, poaching, and mineral extraction.[44] Though the province has been known for its relatively pristine environment, recent development has spawned environmental problems.[45] The unspoiled image of the province often conflicts with the reality on the ground: visitors "expecting to find pristine forests teeming with wildlife are increasingly disappointed to find lifeless patches of freshly cut tree stumps".[44] Land use patterns are changing as population growth has accelerated and agriculture and logging have intensified.[46] Soil erosion is increasing, and microclimates are being altered.[46] Habitat loss and unsustainable hunting have contributed to the province's decreasing biodiversity.[47]
Government and administrative divisions
Government in Ratanakiri is weak, largely due to the province's remoteness, ethnic diversity, and recent history of Khmer Rouge dominance.[48] The provincial legal framework is poor, and the rule of law is even weaker in Ratanakiri than elsewhere in Cambodia.[49] Furthermore, government services are ineffective and insufficient to meet the needs of the province.[50] The Cambodian government has traditionally accepted substantial support from NGOs in the region.[51]
Pao Ham Phan is the provincial governor.[52] Commune councils in Ratanakiri are composed of 219 members representing the CPP, 21 members representing the Sam Rainsy Party, and 13 members representing the Funcinpec Party.[53] Political scientist Caroline Hughes has suggested that the CPP's overwhelming dominance in rural areas such as Ratanakiri stems from the central government's ability to suppress collective action, which in urban areas is offset by international donors and NGOs that provide support for opposition parties.[54] Thirty-six commune council members in Ratanakiri (14.2%) are women, and 98% of Ratanakiri's government staff is Khmer.[55] Bou Thang, a member of the CPP, represents Ratanakiri in the National Assembly of Cambodia.[56]
Village government in Ratanakiri has both traditional and administrative components. Traditional forms of government, namely village elders and other indigenous institutions, are dominant.[57] Members of each village designate one or more community elders to manage village affairs, mediate conflicts, and ensure that villagers follow customary laws, particularly about land and resource use.[58] Elders do not play an autocratic role, and are instead primarily respected advisors and consensus builders.[59] Village elders are generally male, but women also play a role in the management of the community and its resources.[60] A village may also have a village chief, i.e., a local government person who is appointed by a higher governmental official.[57] The village chief serves as a liaison between the village and outside government officials, but lacks traditional authority.[57] The role of the village chief in village governance may be poorly defined; in one Kreung village, residents told a researcher that they were "very unclear exactly what the work of the village chief entailed."[57]
The province is subdivided into nine districts, as follows:[61]
Economy and transportation
Most of the indigenous residents of Ratanakiri are subsistence farmers, practicing slash and burn shifting cultivation. (See Culture below for more information on traditional subsistence practices.) Many families are beginning to shift production to cash crops such as cashews, mangoes, and tobacco, a trend that has accelerated in recent years.[62] Ratanakiri villagers have traditionally had little contact with the cash economy.[34] Barter exchange remains widespread, and Khmer Loeu villagers tended to visit markets only once per year until quite recently.[34] As of 2005, monetary income in the province averaged US$5 per month per person; purchased possessions such as motorcycles, televisions, and karaoke sets have become extremely desirable.[63]
Larger-scale agriculture occurs on rubber, coffee, and cashew plantations.[64] Other economic activities in the province include gem mining and commercial logging. The most abundant gem in Ratanakiri is blue zircon. Small quantities of amethyst, peridot, and black opal are also produced.[65] Gems are generally mined using traditional methods, with individuals digging holes and tunnels and manually removing the gems; recently, however, commercial mining operations have been moving into the province.[66] Logging, particularly illegal logging, has been a problem both for environmental reasons and because of land alienation. This illegal logging has been undertaken by the Cambodian military and by Vietnamese loggers.[67] In 1997, an estimated 300,000 cubic meters of logs were exported illegally from Ratanakiri to Vietnam, compared to a legal limit of 36,000 cubic meters.[68] John Dennis, a researcher for the Asian Development Bank, described the logging in Ratanakiri as a "human rights emergency".[68]
Ratanakiri's tourist industry is rapidly expanding: visits to the province increased from 6,000 in 2002 to 105,000 in 2008.[44] The region's tourism development strategy focuses on encouraging ecotourism.[69] Increasing tourism in Ratanakiri has been problematic because local communities receive very little income from tourism and because guides sometimes bring tourists to villages without residents' consent, disrupting traditional ways of life.[70] A few initiatives have sought to address these issues: a provincial tourism steering committee aims to ensure that tourism is non-destructive, and some programs provide English and tourism skills to indigenous people.[71]
Ox-cart and motorcycle are common means of transportation in Ratanakiri.[72] The provincial road system is better than in some parts of the country, but remains in somewhat bad condition.[73] In January 2007, construction started on National Road 78 between Banlung and the Vietnam border; the road is expected to increase trade between Cambodia and Vietnam.[74] There is a small airport in Banlung,[75] but flights to Ratanakiri had been discontinued as of 2008.[76]
Demographics and towns
As of 2008, Ratanakiri Province had a population of approximately 150,000.[77] Its population grew by 59% between 1998 and 2008, largely due to internal migration.[78] In 2008, Ratanakiri made up 1.1% of Cambodia's total population; its population density of 13.9 residents per square kilometer was less than one fifth the national average.[77] About 70% of the province's population lives in the highlands; of the other 30%, approximately half live in more urbanized towns, and half live along rivers and in the lowlands, where they practice wetland rice cultivation and engage in market activities.[34] Banlung, the provincial capital located in the central highlands, is by far the province's largest town, with a population of approximately 25,000.[79] Other significant towns include Veun Sai in the north and Lomphat in the south, with populations of 2,000 and 3,000 respectively.[80]
In 2008, 51.8% of Ratanakiri residents were aged 19 or younger, 29.9% were aged 20 to 39, and 18.3% were aged 40 or older; 50.6% of residents were male, and 49.4% were female.[81] Of Ratanakiri residents aged 15 or older, 20.9% were single and had never been married, 71.6% were married, 5.1% were widowed, and 2.4% were divorced or separated.[61] Each household had an average of 5.6 members, and most households (87.5%) were headed by men.[61]
While highland peoples have inhabited Ratanakiri for well over a millennium, lowland peoples have migrated to the province in the last 200 years.[34] As of 1998, various highland groups collectively called Khmer Loeu made up just more than half of Ratanakiri's population.[81] These groups included the Tampuan (24.3%), Jarai (17.1%), Kreung (16.3%), Brou (7.0%), Kachok (2.7%), Kavet (1.9%), Kuy (0.5%), and Lun (0.1%).[82] Ethnic Khmers made up 19.1% of the population, and ethnic Lao made up 9.6%.[82] The remainder consisted of Vietnamese (0.7%), Cham (0.6%), and Chinese (0.3%).[82] Since the 1998 census, migration to Ratanakiri from elsewhere in Cambodia has accelerated, which has likely increased the proportion of Khmers in the province.[46] Though the official language of Ratanakiri (like all of Cambodia) is Khmer, each indigenous group speaks its own language.[83] Less than 10% of Ratanakiri's indigenous population can speak Khmer fluently.[84]
Health, education, and development
Health indicators in Ratanakiri are the worst in Cambodia.[85] Malaria, tuberculosis, intestinal parasites, cholera, diarrhea, and vaccine-preventable diseases are endemic.[85] Ratanakiri has Cambodia's highest rates of maternal and child mortality, with 22.9% of children dying before the age of five.[86] Ratanakiri also has the country's highest rates of severe malnutrition.[87] Ratanakiri residents' poor health can be attributed to a variety of factors, including poverty, remoteness of villages, poor quality medical services, and language and cultural barriers that prevent Khmer Loeu from obtaining medical care.[88] The province has one referral hospital, 10 health centers, and 17 health posts.[89] Medical equipment and supplies are minimal, and most health facilities are staffed by nurses or midwives, who are often poorly trained and irregularly paid.[90]
As of 1998, Ratanakiri had 76 primary schools, one junior high school, and one high school.[91] Education levels, particularly among Khmer Loeu, are very low. A 2002 survey of residents in six villages found that fewer than 10% of respondents had attended any primary school.[92] Access to education is limited because of the expense of books, distance to schools, children's need to contribute to their families' livelihood, frequent absence of teachers, and instruction that is culturally inappropriate and in a language foreign to most students.[93] Only 23.5% of Ratanakiri residents are literate (compared to 67.3% in Cambodia overall), with lower rates among those living outside Banlung District (15.7%) and among women (15.3%).[94] Bilingual education initiatives, in which students begin instruction in native languages and gradually transition to instruction in Khmer, began in Ratanakiri in 2002 and appear to have been successful.[84] The programs aim to make education more accessible to speakers of indigenous languages, as well as to give Khmer Loeu access to national political and economic affairs by providing Khmer language skills.[84]
Ratanakiri is one of the least developed provinces in Cambodia.[50] Most Ratanakiri residents (61.1%) obtain water from springs, streams, ponds, or rain; much of the remainder (32.2%) obtains water from dug wells.[95] Only 5.5% of Ratanakiri residents obtain water from sources that are considered safe (purchased water, piped water, or tube/piped wells).[95] Most households use kerosene lamps and other sources such as oil lamps for lighting, and few (39.5% in Banlung District and 2.1% elsewhere) have toilet facilities.[96] Almost all households (96.2%) use firewood as the main fuel for cooking.[61] A variety of NGOs, including Oxfam and Health Unlimited, work to improve health and living conditions in the province.[97]
Culture
Khmer Loeu typically practice subsistence slash and burn shifting cultivation in small villages of between 20 and 60 nuclear families.[98] Each village collectively owns and governs a forest territory whose boundaries are known though not marked.[99] Within this land, each family is allocated, on average, 1–2 hectares (2.5–5 acres) of actively cultivated land and 5–6 hectares (12.5–15 acres) of fallow land.[100] The ecologically sustainable cultivation cycle practiced by the Khmer Loeu generally lasts 10 to 15 years.[101] Villagers supplement their agricultural livelihood with low-intensity hunting, fishing, and gathering over a large area.[101]
Khmer Loeu diets in Ratanakiri are largely dictated by the food that is available for harvesting or gathering.[102] Numerous food taboos also limit food choice, particularly among pregnant women, children, and the sick.[103] The primary staple grain is rice, though most families experience rice shortages during the six months before harvest time.[104] Some families have begun to plant maize to alleviate this problem; other sources of grain include potatoes, cassava, and taro.[104] Most Khmer Loeu diets are low in protein, which is limited in availability.[105] Wild game and fish are major protein sources, and smaller animals such as rats, wild chickens, and insects are also sometimes eaten.[105] Domestic animals such as pigs, cows, and buffaloes are only eaten when sacrifices are made.[105] In the rainy season, many varieties of vegetables and leaves are gathered from the forest.[104] (Vegetables are generally not cultivated.[104]) Commonly eaten fruits include bananas, jackfruit, papayas, and mangoes.[106]
Houses in rural Ratanakiri are made from bamboo, rattan, wood, saek, and kanma leaves, all of which are collected from nearby forests; they typically last for around three years.[34] Village spatial organization varies by ethnic group.[60] Kreung villages are constructed in a circular manner, with houses facing inwards toward a central meeting house.[60] In Jarai villages, vast longhouses are inhabited by all extended families, with the inner house divided into smaller compartments.[60] Tampuan villages may follow either pattern.[60]
Nearly all Khmer Loeu are animist, and their cosmologies are intertwined with the natural world.[107] Some forests are believed to be inhabited by local spirits, and local taboos forbid cutting in those areas.[108] Within spirit forests, certain natural features such as rock formations, waterfalls, pools, and vegetation are sacred.[109] Major sacrificial festivals in Ratanakiri occur during March and April, when fields are selected and prepared for the new planting season.[110] Christian missionaries are present in the province, and some Khmer Loeu have converted to Christianity.[111] The region's ethnic Khmer are Buddhist.[112] There is also a small Muslim community, consisting mainly of ethnic Cham.[113]
Because of the province's high prevalence of malaria and its distance from regional centers, Ratanakiri was isolated from Western influences until the late 20th century.[36] Major cultural shifts have occurred in recent years however, particularly in villages near roads and district towns; these changes have been attributed to contact with internal immigrants, government officials, and NGO workers.[114] Clothing and diets are becoming more standardized, and traditional music is being displaced by Khmer music.[114] Many villagers have also observed a loss of respect for elders and a growing divide between the young and the old.[114] Young people have begun to refuse to abide by traditional rules and have stopped believing in spirits.[114]
Google unveiled Android 5.0 Lollipop at its I/O Developer Conference in June, though at the time it was referred to as Android L. The operating system is the most drastic change to Android since the release of Ice Cream Sandwich in late 2011. Lollipop features a redesigned user interface referred to as Material Design, along with improvements to the lock screen and notification menu. The update also delivers improved battery life and performance.
The first two devices to run Android 5.0 Lollipop are the Nexus 6 and Nexus 9, but what about your existing device?
Nexus
Google announced that the Nexus 4, Nexus 5, Nexus 7 and Nexus 10 will be updated to Android 5.0 in "the coming weeks." The Nexus 6 and Nexus 9 will be available in early November; we expect to see updates to begin rolling out around this time.
Google Play Edition
Along with its line of Nexus devices, Google said that Google Play Edition devices will also see an update to Android 5.0 in the coming weeks. The company didn't mention specific devices, which leads us to believe that all of them will be seeing the update. Current Google Play Edition devices include the Moto G and HTC One M8, while Google previously offered the Samsung Galaxy S4, HTC One (M7), Sony Z Ultra and LG G Pad 8.3 on the Play store.
HTC
HTC previously announced that it will begin rolling out an Android 5.0 Lollipop update to the HTC One M8 and HTC One M7 worldwide "within 90 days of receiving final software from Google," meaning we should see the update sometime before February. The company will also update other One family members and select devices "shortly thereafter."
Samsung
Samsung has yet to announce plans on which devices will see the update, but we fully expect most (if not all) of its 2014 portfolio to be updated and quite possibly the Galaxy S4 and Galaxy Note 3. The question is when will these devices get updated? Samsung has had a poor track record with delivering timely updates in the past.
Motorola
Motorola announced that Android 5.0 Lollipop will be coming to various devices later this year. Motorola plans to update both the first- and second-generation Moto X and Moto G, along with the Moto G with 4G LTE, Moto E, Droid Ultra, Droid Maxx and Droid Mini.
LG
LG has not yet confirmed when or which devices will be receiving the Android 5.0 update. We expect to see it on the LG G3 and G2 Pro, and quite possibly the G2 and original G Pro.
Sony
Sony is another company that hasn't revealed its update plans. As has been the case with other companies, we expect Sony's current lineup of devices, such as the Xperia Z3, Xperia Z3 V and Xperia Z3 compact, to see an update at some point.
This article will be updated as more information about Android 5.0 Lollipop is released.
(แแแាแแแแ់แ្แុំแែแแុំแែแ្แែแិแแแ្แែแแ្แោแ แ្แោះ แ៉ូแិแា) แែแោះแាแ៉ាแแា แแ្แแแแแ់แชแុแแ្แាแแ្แុំ แែแแ្แាแ់แំแើแាแแៅแแ្แីแแេแ្แแាแ់แ៉ែแแៅแ្แាំแกแฉแจแ แាแแ្แាแ់แ្แុំแា แាแាแ แ្แៀแแ៍แ្แីแ្แាแแូแแេះ แแួแแแแแាแแៅแីแោះ แោแแាแแแ ាแីแแំแแ់แแៅแแ្แីแแេแ្แแាแ់แ៉ែแแៅแ្แាំแกแฉแจแ แោះ។) Ros Serey Sothea (Khmer: แแ់ แេแីแុแ្แា) (1948[1] – 1977[2]) was a famous singer during the final years of Cambodia's Sangkum Reastr Niyum and the Khmer Republic. She sang from a variety of genres but romanticballads emerged as her most popular works. Despite a rather short career she is credited with producing hundreds of songs and even starring in a few movies. Details of her life are relatively scarce and her fate duringDemocratic Kampuchea remains a mystery.
The late King Norodom Sihanouk called Ros Serey Sothea "the golden voice of the royal capital."[3]
Biography
Early life
Ros Sothea was born in 1948[2] to Ros Sabun and Nath Samean in Battambang Province. Growing up relatively poor, Ros Sothea was the second youngest of five children, who included older sister, activist Ros Saboeut.[3]She displayed vocal talent as a toddler and grew up listening to early Cambodian singers such as Mao Sareth and Chunn Malai which doubtlessly had a profound influence.
Sothea's talent would remain relatively hidden until friends persuaded her to join a regional singing contest in 1963. After winning the contest she gained the attention and praise of the province and was invited to join Lomhea Yothea (a musical troupe) which regularly performed at Stung Khiev Restaurant in Battambang. It is believed that Im Song Seurm, a singer from the National Radio heard of Sothea's talents and invited her to the capital,Phnom Penh in 1967.
Music career
In Phnom Penh, she adopted the alias Ros Sereysothea and became a singer for the National Radio performing duets with Im Song Seurm. Her first hit, Stung Khieu (Blue River) debuted the same year and she quickly attracted fans with her clear and high pitch voice. Eventually she became a regular partner with Sinn Sisamouth the lead singer of the era and they were a smashing success. She also performed with other prominent singers of the era such as Pan Ron, Houy Meas, and Sos Mat.
The style of her early career is characterized by traditional Cambodian ballads and duets. She would eventually shift to a more contemporary style by combining romantic ballads drenched in loss, betrayal, and death with Western instruments. This change of style is most likely be attributed to her traumatic marriage with fellow singer, Sos Mat.
By the 1970s, American influence from neighboring South Vietnam had reached Cambodia and Sothea along with her contemporaries began experimenting in Western genres. Her high, clear voice, coupled with the rock backing bands featuring prominent, distortion-laden lead guitars, pumping organ and loud, driving drums, made for an intense, sometimes haunting sound that is best described today as psychedelic or garage rock. Like the leader of the music scene, Sinn Sisamouth, Sothea would often take popular Western rock tunes, such as John Fogerty's "Proud Mary" and refashion them with Khmer lyrics.
Yet romantic ballads would remain her most endearing work amongst the more conservative populace. She was often sought out by film directors to perform the duet and/or solo in their movies. Sothea's collaboration with the Cambodian film industry is invaluable in identifying over 250 films lost during the communist regime.
Sothea never sang under any one record label and made a modest living as a musician. She is recognized as a national treasure and was honored by King Norodom Sihanouk with the royal title of "Preah Reich Theany Somlang Meas", the "Golden Voice of the Royal Capital".
From her brief relationship with a Khmer Republic parachutist and General Srey Ya, Sothea increasingly became involved in the military. As the Khmer Republic struggled in the civil war, Sothea and Sisamouth and their contemporaries published patriotic songs for the fledgling republic. Her career would continue until the Khmer Rouge captured the beleaguered capital, Phnom Penh in April 1975.
Personal life
Sothea's personality is invariably described as modest and reserved. She is known to have been involved in a few relationships throughout her life. When she arrived in Phnom Penh, she was courted by fellow singer Sos Mat and eventually married. Unfortunately Mat was already legally married to two other wives. As her career moved forward, Sos Mat became insanely jealous of her success and of the men who came to watch her perform. Traumatized by the emotional abuse from the constant envy of his other wives and the domestic violence from Sos Mat, they separated within six months of marriage. With her name ruined as a result of the divorce she was left with one option and returned to her family in Battambang. It would only be with intervention and help from Sinn Sisamouth that she resumed her career in Phnom Penh.
Despite the high profile divorce with Sos Mat, Sothea's popularity resurged and she met and the son of the famous Van Chan film company as part of her contracts recording film songs. Their marriage resulted in a son but for undocumented reasons they separated. She is also noted to have had a relationship with a parachutist of the Khmer Republic. General Srey Ya of Lon Nol's government who was extremely infatuated with her, ended up holding her against her will in one incident. Sothea's unsteady relationships may have been the inspiration behind her most depressing ballads.
Fall of Phnom Penh
It is believed Sothea had traveled to Pailin Province for the Buddhist New Year in 1975. Some of her final recordings are those celebrating the New Year in Pailin. Many are skeptical of this claim as it had been increasing dangerous to travel outside Phnom Penh due to the encirclement of Khmer Rouge forces. When Phnom Penh fell, there were apparently attempts by military personnel to evacuate Sothea out of the country. Like everyone else when the Khmer Rouge took over, she was forced to leave Phnom Penh. There are many speculations regarding her fate from a variety of witnesses.
Sothea was initially able to hide her identity well as she was from the Cambodian countryside and adjusted well contrary to most of the "New People". The survivors from her camp didn't even know she was amongst them until she secretly confided with them. Eventually she was discovered and was forced by Pol Pot to marry one of his assistants in 1977. As a prolific singer, Sothea was forced to exclusively perform songs for the new regime.
Her new marriage was an unhappy one marred by physical abuses. Eventually the disputes got out of hand and the Khmer Rouge cadre of her village decided she was more trouble alive. She was told that she and her family would be moved to another village and she was last seen by survivors departing by ox cart. She then disappeared under typically mysterious circumstances and is almost certainly dead.
Other accounts believe that she died from being overworked in a Khmer Rouge agricultural camp. Another account even says that she was still alive when the Vietnamese invading forces arrived in Phnom Penh in 1979 but died of malnutrition shortly after in a hospital.
As a high profile individual and a musician, she was a prime candidate for extermination during Pol Pot’s regime. Her two surviving sisters insist that Sothea along with their mother and children were taken to Kampong Som province and executed immediately following the Fall of Phnom Penh. Her remains have yet to be discovered.
Legacy
With the cultural upheaval by the Khmer Rouge, scant evidence of Ros Serey Sothea's life remains. Her master recordings were either destroyed by the regime or deteriorated rapidly in the tropical environment due to lack of preservation. However, many vinyl recordings have survived and have gained reissues initially on tape cassettes and later on compact discs. Unfortunately many of these reissues are also remixed with extra beats usually overriding the original score. The vinyls from the master sources are thereby highly sought out by preservationist and collectors.
Sothea's older sister, Ros Saboeut, is widely credited with reuniting Cambodia's surviving musicians and bands in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge era.[3] Surviving musicians had initially contacted Ros Saboeut to inquire about Sothea's fate.[3] Ros Saboeut used the opportunity, and her contacts, to reunite the country's rock bands and musicians.[3] According to Youk Chhang, the executive director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, Ros Saboeut sought to restore Cambodian music as a tribute to her sister, "I think she was bound by the legacy of her sister to help."[3] Her efforts were widely credited with rebuilding the country's rock genre.[3]
Nonetheless Sothea remained extremely popular posthumously in Cambodia and Cambodian communities scattered throughout the United States, France, Australia, and Canada. Western interest in Sothea would not dawn until songs by Sothea, Sinn Sisamouth and other Cambodian singers of the era such as Meas Samoun, Choun Malai and Pan Ron, were featured on the soundtrack to Matt Dillon's film City of Ghosts. Tracks by Sothea are "Have You Seen My Love", "I'm Sixteen" and "Wait Ten Months".
The Los Angeles band Dengue Fever, which features Cambodian lead singer Chhom Nimol, covers a number of songs by Sothea and other singers from the short-lived but rich Cambodian rock and roll scene. The advent of the internet, undoubtedly saved what was left of her discography while spreading and garnering interest in her music even after almost half a century later.
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